Friday, February 9, 2018

The urban landscape: towards the fractured approach

When I was a student some of my fellow students declared city planning obsolete and urban design for dead; as they saw it there would only be interventions as market forces determined the future development of the city. Others were very vocal adepts of New Urbanism, especially after the Congress for the New Urbanism was started in 1993. In contrast my teachers at university were in the main functionalists, with some admiring and advocating the shapeliness of post-modern planning. I strongly feel that any spatial intervention or design should focus on the context and resolving the given problem(s) whilst at the same time creating an attractive environment. Many look down on such a practical approach, but I go about everyday practical planning unashamedly!

As the years have progressed since I graduated, I’ve seen the city around me change. Yes many of the developments are redevelopments of older neighbourhoods, former industrial sites, empty office blocks and former commercial sites (shops, market halls etcetera), but there have also been large-scale building projects developing fields. The era of large-scale developments (for housing and business) is almost at an end it seems. So the new development areas comprising of several new housing estates, arranged as neighbourhoods around a functional centre with a commercial estate on the side -known as Vinex in the Netherlands-, will be the last of their kind. Although… there is talk of expanding certain villages around fast growing urban areas, like The Hague, Amsterdam, Groningen, Tilburg, Breda and Eindhoven.

House building on a large scale on a unified plan was made possible in the Netherlands by the 1901 Housing Act, which sought to improve housing standards and provide affordable housing for the working classes. The first of these planned estates follow German examples of Sitte-esque urban design on artistic principles and English garden city examples, or they were built along rational and functional principles (the Low Countries were important in early modernism). Planned housing started rather small scale before WW1 and really took off after 1920 with a high point in the 1930. These neighbourhoods are well appreciated and were emulated after 1990 in a New Urbanism / Postmodern effort to create place.



Two examples of 1920 urban design. On the left the Sitte-esque neighbourhood of Sonsbeek-Noord in Arnhem which also resembles a garden village (the number of houses per acre is to high to be a true garden village). In contrast the New Objectivity approach by J.P. Oud in Mathenesse (right) makes the most of the triangular plot whilst still giving all residents a garden and a house with ample light and fresh air.

A phenomenon typical of the Netherlands is the way that housing was planned after 1945. Modernist thinking had taken over planning as the need for more housing could be more easily met via standardisation and repetition. Also Pillarisation (Verzuiling) meant that society was segregated along politico-denominational lines so planning had to allocate space for each group. This lead to the so-called Wijkgedachte (urban district approach) which centred around the decentralisation of the city. The urban district approach was first proposed in the book ‘De stad der toekomst, de toekomst der stad’ (The city of the future, the future of the city) by building engineers Bos and Van Tijen. The CIAM delegation in Rotterdam was also involved in the development and realisation of this urban design theory. Lotte Stam-Beese made this approach famous with her designs for Pendrecht and Hoogvliet in Rotterdam. Also in Rotterdam C.M. van der Stadt pioneered the Stempelstructuur (Stamp Structure), a repeated ensemble of housing similar to using a stamping block in printing wall paper.



Stamp Structure housing estates are everywhere in the Netherlands. Here an example from Eindhoven-Eckart. Several ensembles of row housing are repeated forming distinct neighbourhoods around the rational main infrastructure. The urban district centre with shops is located on the edge near the park along the Oude Gracht (Old Canal), a partially silted up arm of the Dommel river. A similar structure of repeated unit can be seen on the other side of the thoroughfare. The housing in the righthand corner is from the 1980s and consists of more expensive housing.

The theoretical foundations of the urban district approach was thoroughly modernist and revolved around functional and practical separation on various levels. The lives of people could be hierarchically classed around several social groups with different needs on different levels. The city could be divided into social units, based on an idea(l) of the integrated village, of about 20.000 people: the urban district unit. Each urban district would have a district centre with sports facilities, shops and a secondary school. Each urban district would be divided into neighbourhoods. This made it possible to allocate specific neighbourhoods to a specific social pillar. In this approach it is very important that the city is legible as a collection of spatial unit. These are also physically separated in the urban designs up to the 1980s when the anti-urban approach of Postmodernism starts to dominate, resulting in so-called Bloemkoolwijken (Cauliflower Estates) with little to no spatial definition. And they are therefore difficult to navigate. The organic design principles advocated in the 1980s were a reaction on the modernist estates that were seen as boring, bleak and not on a human scale.



The district approach in action in Veldhoven. The old villages (in yellow) of Zonderwijk (W), Veldhoven (V), Meerveldhoven (M) and Zeelst (Z) were expanded by building several urban districts in the fields (in orange). These are all physically separated by greenery and infrastructure. Each has its own district centre (in purple), with a new city centre (in red) built where the old villages meet the new developments.

In the 1980s financial difficulties force local government to surrender urban development to market forces and limit its involvement to legislative embedding, supervision and quality control. To secure developers don’t simply build the houses they can make the most profit from central government creates incentives to aid people to buy a house via a direct subsidy and also prescribes minimal numbers of social housing (to be realised by or for housing associations). The focus in public housing shifts towards home ownership and the privatisation of social housing is started. At the same time old neighbourhoods with social problems and often high crime rates are earmarked for redevelopment. This is done by replacing large amounts of social and affordable housing by more expensive middle class housing and even high-end apartments. Thus the socio-economic problem neighbourhood is resolved on paper, but the people are simply moved on to another area.

These redevelopments and even urban expansion in the 1980s and 90s is often piecemeal and in trances. A (re)development is portioned with distinct areas set aside for different developers. Each hires a different architect who is then instructed to create a distinct design (each developer want to be visibly different for marketing purposes). This creates an extremely fractured urban landscape of incidental design Sometimes large commercial developers force local government into developing an area as they own all the land in an area indicated on the development plan as earmarked for future development. Some even manage to influence political decisions on where to locate urban expansion based on their land positions. The city as a collection of architectural incidents is -unsuccessfully- combatted in planning by using themes, urban fields and geometric shapes and patterns.



The pinnacle of postmodern urban design must be Kattenbroek in Amersfoort. This large estate of mostly housing (4600 in total) and a small commercial estate was realised between the village of Hoogland and the motorway to Amsterdam. The design comprises of 5 elements translated into geometric shapes and architectural expression: The Ring, The Avenue of Mansions, The Hidden Zone, The Mask and The Creek. These 5 design elements are connected to 5 housing themes (The Closed City, The Fortress, The Farm Room, The Bridge House and The Winter Garden), as well as 5 landscape themes (Water, Pond, Wood, Field and Moor) and 5 urban morphologies (Avenue, Belt Road, Square, Alley and Street). The design is especially striking seen from above, but at street level shows itself to be little more than a collage of fashionable architecture in contrasting groupings.

For all the themes used and tightly controlled appearance of the housing built, the urban design is often little more than a narrative connecting the various separate components aimed at easy translation into legally binding land use maps. The fractured approach has now become the norm. The city of Eindhoven even presents itself with the motto ‘Scherven In het Groen’ (Shards in Greenery), although this is the result of the modernist planning doctrine with urban districts. The abandonment of planning with ensembles has lead to an urban landscape composed of fragments, that in the best cases have a great internal spatial working through the use of functional, spatial or architectural ensembles. On the larger scale the themed architecture cant hide the underlying lack of ideas. Many people consider these areas as non-places, as new housing estates could be anywhere and all look the same despite the great variation in often colourful architecture. As a reaction some planners and designers are revisiting designing with ensembles in an effort to consciously create an urban landscape that is legible for its residents and visitors alike.



The town of Leusden is a rather extreme example of a fractured urban entity comprised mostly of incidental urban interventions. This suburb of Amersfoort was never officially designated as such -as Amersfoort itself was seen as an overflow city for both Amsterdam and Utrecht. The result was a local authority being lead by private developers who saw opportunities for house building. The regular pattern of the polderland around the old village core (L) was incrementally developed; each new addition was given its own pattern, its own architectural expression and its own boundary within a framework of infrastructure.

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